The Jacques Delors Institute notes that support for the EU remains high, but the differences between states are deepening.
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Support for the European Union remains close to the high levels reached in recent years, but European averages hide significant differences between states, according to an analysis published by the Jacques Delors Institute.
In short, Daniel Debomy, advisor for European public opinion at the Jacques Delors Institute, analyzed Eurobarometer data from 2011 to the spring of 2026. He finds that attitudes towards the EU have improved after the financial crisis and that Donald Trump's return to the presidency of the United States has not yet caused a significant decline in European support. In the spring of 2026, 58% of respondents considered their country's membership in the EU a good thing, while 72% said their state had benefited from accession. Trust in the EU reached 51%, compared to 37% for national governments, and 73% described the Union as a force for stability in a world affected by crises. The analysis, however, shows significant differences between states. In Romania, 43% considered EU membership a good thing, while 23% had a negative opinion, but the country was among those where the largest majorities called for more decisions to be made at the European level. The area with the highest support for common action is defense. A common European security and defense policy was supported by 81% of respondents, and 80% wanted closer military cooperation among member states. The document is a signed analysis, not an official position of the European Union. The author mainly uses Eurobarometer surveys from the European Commission and complements them with data from the European Parliament, the Bertelsmann Foundation, and the Pew Research Center.
The Jacques Delors Institute published an analysis in July 2026 regarding the evolution of public opinion towards the European Union during a period marked by the war in Ukraine, economic tensions, and the deterioration of the image of the United States among Europeans.
The document is signed by Daniel Debomy, advisor for European public opinion. The author compares recent results with data from 2011 and tracks changes that occurred after the financial and economic crisis of 2007-2008.
The starting point of the analysis is that support for the EU increased significantly after the period of the sovereign debt crisis. In the spring of 2011, 47% of respondents considered their country's membership in the Union a good thing. In the spring of 2024, the proportion had risen to 60%.
In the same period, the assessment of the benefits of EU membership increased from 52% in 2011 to 74% at the beginning of 2025. Trust in the Union, the feeling of European citizenship, and the perception that national interests are taken into account also recorded increases.
Debomy then examines whether political changes in the United States have affected Europeans' attitudes towards the EU. The analysis starts from Donald Trump's return to the White House and from initiatives of his administration that were perceived in Europe as unpredictable or contrary to European interests.
The author's conclusion is that support for the EU has remained relatively stable. In the spring of 2026, 58% of respondents considered their country's membership in the Union a good thing, compared to 12% who evaluated it negatively. The level was two points below that of the spring of 2024 and four points below the peak reached in the autumn of 2025.
The perception of benefits remained more favorable. Approximately 72% of respondents said their country had gained from EU membership, while 23% had an opposing opinion.
The positive image of the Union reached 45%, while negative opinions represented 19%. Trust in the EU stood at 51%, 14 points above the trust given to national governments, which remained at 37%.
Three-quarters of respondents considered themselves citizens of the European Union, and 61% said their country's interests are well represented at the European level. Approximately 60% were optimistic about the future of the EU.
The assessment of the political direction was more critical. Only 32% believed that things are evolving in the right direction in the Union, while 55% had an opposing opinion.
The author compares these results with perceptions of the United States, where only 14% of Europeans believed that the direction is correct, while 78% said that the evolution is negative.
The image of the United States has deteriorated more sharply than that of the EU. Favorable opinions dropped from 44% at the end of 2024 to 24% at the beginning of 2026, while negative opinions reached 73%.
A study by the Bertelsmann Foundation cited in the document shows that 58% of Europeans no longer considered the United States a reliable partner. The proportion of those who named the US as the EU's best ally had dropped to 31%, 20 points lower than in 2024.
In the same survey, 73% of respondents said that the EU should follow a more independent path after decades of close cooperation with Washington.
The decline in the image of the United States did not transfer to NATO. The North Atlantic Alliance maintained a positive assessment among 52% of respondents, compared to 39% who had an unfavorable opinion.
At the same time, 73% of Europeans considered the Union a force for stability in a world marked by crises and uncertainty. Approximately 66% said their country is better prepared for the future within the EU, and 67% believed that the Union's voice carries weight on the international stage.
The analysis shows that the majority of Europeans want more common action. Approximately 61% of respondents supported that more decisions should be made at the EU level, while 34% opposed.
Support exceeded 70% in most areas analyzed. The expansion of the Union had lower support, at 53%, while 41% of respondents opposed the accession of new states in the coming years.
The largest majorities appeared in the field of security and defense. A common European security and defense policy was supported by 81% of respondents, and 80% wanted closer military cooperation among member states.
Increasing the European defense budget had the support of 64% of participants. Approximately 76% considered that Russia's aggression against Ukraine represents a threat to EU security.
Financial and humanitarian aid for Ukraine was supported by 75%, and sanctions against Russia by 70%. The provision and financing of military equipment had a narrower majority, at 56%, compared to 39% who opposed.
Aggregated data hide significant differences between member states. In Ireland, Portugal, Luxembourg, and Scandinavian countries, over 80% of respondents considered EU membership a good thing.
In Germany, Spain, Finland, Lithuania, and the Netherlands, the proportions were around 70%. In Belgium, Slovenia, Poland, Latvia, and Slovakia, support was about 60%.
Romania was among the group of states with lower support. Approximately 43% of Romanians considered EU membership a good thing, while 23% evaluated it negatively.
The author compares these results with the stronger European enthusiasm manifested in Romania before accession. Greece had the lowest proportion of favorable opinions, at 34%, followed by the Czech Republic, Romania, and France.
The assessment of the benefits of EU membership remained positive in all member states. Even in the lowest-ranked countries, favorable opinions exceeded negative opinions by about 20 points or more.
Trust in the Union decreased between 2025 and 2026 in Romania, France, Spain, Austria, the Netherlands, Slovakia, and Latvia. The European average decreased by only one point.
Romania, however, appears among the states with the highest support for more decisions to be made at the European level. In Romania, Italy, Greece, Spain, Portugal, and a few other states, this option was supported by about two-thirds to nearly eight out of ten respondents.
Debomy interprets this combination as a dissatisfaction with current results, accompanied by a strong expectation for broader European intervention. The conclusion belongs to the author and does not represent an official position of the European Commission or any other EU institution.
The Jacques Delors Institute is a think tank dedicated to European integration. The document mainly uses Eurobarometer surveys from the European Commission, supplemented with data from the European Parliament, the Bertelsmann Foundation, and the Pew Research Center.
The analysis concludes that perceptions of the Union have improved compared to the period of the financial crisis, while external threats have intensified the expectation that the EU will provide protection and capacity for common action. Differences between states, however, remain significant, with France, Greece, and Romania among the countries with more pronounced levels of dissatisfaction.
In short, Daniel Debomy, advisor for European public opinion at the Jacques Delors Institute, analyzed Eurobarometer data from 2011 to the spring of 2026. He finds that attitudes towards the EU have improved after the financial crisis and that Donald Trump's return to the presidency of the United States has not yet caused a significant decline in European support. In the spring of 2026, 58% of respondents considered their country's membership in the EU a good thing, while 72% said their state had benefited from accession. Trust in the EU reached 51%, compared to 37% for national governments, and 73% described the Union as a force for stability in a world affected by crises. The analysis, however, shows significant differences between states. In Romania, 43% considered EU membership a good thing, while 23% had a negative opinion, but the country was among those where the largest majorities called for more decisions to be made at the European level. The area with the highest support for common action is defense. A common European security and defense policy was supported by 81% of respondents, and 80% wanted closer military cooperation among member states. The document is a signed analysis, not an official position of the European Union. The author mainly uses Eurobarometer surveys from the European Commission and complements them with data from the European Parliament, the Bertelsmann Foundation, and the Pew Research Center.
The Jacques Delors Institute published an analysis in July 2026 regarding the evolution of public opinion towards the European Union during a period marked by the war in Ukraine, economic tensions, and the deterioration of the image of the United States among Europeans.
The document is signed by Daniel Debomy, advisor for European public opinion. The author compares recent results with data from 2011 and tracks changes that occurred after the financial and economic crisis of 2007-2008.
The starting point of the analysis is that support for the EU increased significantly after the period of the sovereign debt crisis. In the spring of 2011, 47% of respondents considered their country's membership in the Union a good thing. In the spring of 2024, the proportion had risen to 60%.
In the same period, the assessment of the benefits of EU membership increased from 52% in 2011 to 74% at the beginning of 2025. Trust in the Union, the feeling of European citizenship, and the perception that national interests are taken into account also recorded increases.
Debomy then examines whether political changes in the United States have affected Europeans' attitudes towards the EU. The analysis starts from Donald Trump's return to the White House and from initiatives of his administration that were perceived in Europe as unpredictable or contrary to European interests.
The author's conclusion is that support for the EU has remained relatively stable. In the spring of 2026, 58% of respondents considered their country's membership in the Union a good thing, compared to 12% who evaluated it negatively. The level was two points below that of the spring of 2024 and four points below the peak reached in the autumn of 2025.
The perception of benefits remained more favorable. Approximately 72% of respondents said their country had gained from EU membership, while 23% had an opposing opinion.
The positive image of the Union reached 45%, while negative opinions represented 19%. Trust in the EU stood at 51%, 14 points above the trust given to national governments, which remained at 37%.
Three-quarters of respondents considered themselves citizens of the European Union, and 61% said their country's interests are well represented at the European level. Approximately 60% were optimistic about the future of the EU.
The assessment of the political direction was more critical. Only 32% believed that things are evolving in the right direction in the Union, while 55% had an opposing opinion.
The author compares these results with perceptions of the United States, where only 14% of Europeans believed that the direction is correct, while 78% said that the evolution is negative.
The image of the United States has deteriorated more sharply than that of the EU. Favorable opinions dropped from 44% at the end of 2024 to 24% at the beginning of 2026, while negative opinions reached 73%.
A study by the Bertelsmann Foundation cited in the document shows that 58% of Europeans no longer considered the United States a reliable partner. The proportion of those who named the US as the EU's best ally had dropped to 31%, 20 points lower than in 2024.
In the same survey, 73% of respondents said that the EU should follow a more independent path after decades of close cooperation with Washington.
The decline in the image of the United States did not transfer to NATO. The North Atlantic Alliance maintained a positive assessment among 52% of respondents, compared to 39% who had an unfavorable opinion.
At the same time, 73% of Europeans considered the Union a force for stability in a world marked by crises and uncertainty. Approximately 66% said their country is better prepared for the future within the EU, and 67% believed that the Union's voice carries weight on the international stage.
The analysis shows that the majority of Europeans want more common action. Approximately 61% of respondents supported that more decisions should be made at the EU level, while 34% opposed.
Support exceeded 70% in most areas analyzed. The expansion of the Union had lower support, at 53%, while 41% of respondents opposed the accession of new states in the coming years.
The largest majorities appeared in the field of security and defense. A common European security and defense policy was supported by 81% of respondents, and 80% wanted closer military cooperation among member states.
Increasing the European defense budget had the support of 64% of participants. Approximately 76% considered that Russia's aggression against Ukraine represents a threat to EU security.
Financial and humanitarian aid for Ukraine was supported by 75%, and sanctions against Russia by 70%. The provision and financing of military equipment had a narrower majority, at 56%, compared to 39% who opposed.
Aggregated data hide significant differences between member states. In Ireland, Portugal, Luxembourg, and Scandinavian countries, over 80% of respondents considered EU membership a good thing.
In Germany, Spain, Finland, Lithuania, and the Netherlands, the proportions were around 70%. In Belgium, Slovenia, Poland, Latvia, and Slovakia, support was about 60%.
Romania was among the group of states with lower support. Approximately 43% of Romanians considered EU membership a good thing, while 23% evaluated it negatively.
The author compares these results with the stronger European enthusiasm manifested in Romania before accession. Greece had the lowest proportion of favorable opinions, at 34%, followed by the Czech Republic, Romania, and France.
The assessment of the benefits of EU membership remained positive in all member states. Even in the lowest-ranked countries, favorable opinions exceeded negative opinions by about 20 points or more.
Trust in the Union decreased between 2025 and 2026 in Romania, France, Spain, Austria, the Netherlands, Slovakia, and Latvia. The European average decreased by only one point.
Romania, however, appears among the states with the highest support for more decisions to be made at the European level. In Romania, Italy, Greece, Spain, Portugal, and a few other states, this option was supported by about two-thirds to nearly eight out of ten respondents.
Debomy interprets this combination as a dissatisfaction with current results, accompanied by a strong expectation for broader European intervention. The conclusion belongs to the author and does not represent an official position of the European Commission or any other EU institution.
The Jacques Delors Institute is a think tank dedicated to European integration. The document mainly uses Eurobarometer surveys from the European Commission, supplemented with data from the European Parliament, the Bertelsmann Foundation, and the Pew Research Center.
The analysis concludes that perceptions of the Union have improved compared to the period of the financial crisis, while external threats have intensified the expectation that the EU will provide protection and capacity for common action. Differences between states, however, remain significant, with France, Greece, and Romania among the countries with more pronounced levels of dissatisfaction.
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