The annual WeBalkans 2026 survey shows that the European Union is viewed positively in most of the Western Balkans, but its image varies significantly from one country to another. Albania has the highest support for accession, with 92% of citizens in favor of joining the EU, while Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina maintain pro-European majorities. Serbia remains the most difficult case, with only 31% support for accession, and Türkiye shows a cooler relationship, where the economy, visas, and jobs weigh more than political enthusiasm.
The European Union remains the dominant reference for most of the Western Balkans, but the WeBalkans 2026 survey shows a much more nuanced region than the simple image of a uniformly pro-European space. Albania, Kosovo, and Montenegro see accession as a realistic and advantageous path, North Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina maintain pro-European majorities, while Serbia and Türkiye show how fragile EU influence becomes when economy, identity, geopolitics, and political distrust overlap.
In short
Albania has the strongest support for EU accession: 92% of citizens support the country's entry into the Union, and 94% believe that accession would bring more advantages than disadvantages.
Kosovo has 83% support for accession, and 85% of citizens believe that EU membership would bring more advantages than disadvantages.
Montenegro combines a positive image of the EU, 67%, with the fastest expectations regarding accession: 62% believe that the country will become a member in the next five years.
Serbia is the main regional exception: only 31% support accession, 40% believe that the country will never become a member of the EU, and trust in Russia and China is higher than in the EU.
In Türkiye, only 46% support accession, and citizens' priorities are mainly economic: development, jobs, trade, and visa facilitation.
For citizens in the Western Balkans, the European Union is not just an institutional project. In the WeBalkans surveys, the EU appears as a promise of a better economy, fighting against corruption, freedom of movement, jobs, education, security, and a better future for children. That is why the data is important: it shows not only if people "support Europe," but what they concretely expect from the EU rapprochement.
Albania is the most pro-European case in the survey. 82% of citizens have a positive image of the European Union, 92% trust the EU, and 92% support the country's accession. For 94% of respondents, EU membership would bring more advantages than disadvantages.
Albanians' expectations are very concrete. The main factors that would make citizens more favorable to the EU are support for reducing corruption, mentioned by 55%, support for economic development, 53%, and funding for local infrastructure, agriculture, health, environment, or culture projects, 42%. The perceived obstacles are equally clear: widespread corruption, 63%, organized crime, 40%, and lack of political will in Albania, 37%.
Kosovo has a strong pro-European orientation, but with a different profile. 64% of citizens have a positive image of the EU, 83% trust the Union, and 83% support accession. 85% believe that accession would bring more advantages than disadvantages.
In Kosovo, the main perceived benefit of accession is not just the standard of living, but the international image of the country. 49% indicate a better image of Kosovo in the world, 43% peace and security for Kosovo and the region, and 42% a better future for children. The main concern is the exodus of young people, mentioned by 39%, a sign that European enthusiasm coexists with the fear that integration may accelerate migration.
Montenegro shows one of the most optimistic perceptions of the European calendar. 67% of citizens have a positive image of the EU, 73% trust the Union, and 68% support accession. 77% believe that EU membership would bring more advantages than disadvantages.
The strongest data comes from the expectation of accession. 62% of respondents in Montenegro believe that the country will become a member of the EU in the next five years. This is the highest level of immediate optimism in the analyzed dataset. At the same time, citizens demand greater European involvement in the economy and trade, 64%, education and lifelong learning, 27%, and agriculture and rural development, 26%.
North Macedonia remains pro-European, but the survey also shows the accumulated frustration around political blockages. 61% of citizens have a positive image of the EU, 80% trust the Union, and 67% would vote for EU accession if a referendum were held. 75% believe that accession would bring more advantages than disadvantages.
The main perceived obstacle in North Macedonia is directly related to the relationship with member states. 38% indicate disagreements with individual member states as the main obstacle to accession, ahead of widespread corruption, 37%, and the country's inability to meet the required standards, 30%. For citizens, the EU is still attractive, but the accession process is perceived as dependent on bilateral political disputes, not just on internal reforms.
Bosnia and Herzegovina has a pro-European majority, but also one of the strongest perceptions regarding internal blockages. 53% of citizens have a positive image of the EU, 72% trust the Union, 64% support accession, and 73% believe that EU membership would bring more advantages than disadvantages.
What dominates in Bosnia and Herzegovina is the internal political diagnosis. 54% indicate the lack of political will as the main obstacle to accession, equal to widespread corruption, also 54%. Organized crime is mentioned by 35%. For citizens, the issue is not the absence of a European perspective, but the ability of their own political system to turn it into reality.
Serbia is the major break in the regional picture. Only 28% of citizens have a positive image of the EU, 40% tend to trust the Union, and support for accession is at 31%. 41% believe that EU membership would bring more advantages than disadvantages, far below the levels recorded in Albania, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, or Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The survey also shows a tougher geopolitical competition in Serbia. Trust in the Russian Federation, 58%, and in China, 56%, is higher than trust in the EU, 40%. In the perception of "high or very high" financial support, China ranks first with 39%, while the EU and Russia are both at 26%. This contrasts with other countries in the region, where the EU is perceived much more clearly as a central actor.
In Serbia, the main expectation from the EU is still the economy. 49% say that support for economic development would make citizens more favorable to the Union, and 41% mention reducing corruption. But concerns about accession are different from those in more pro-European states: 43% fear the exploitation of the country's natural resources, 35% fear the emigration of young people, and 33% believe that accession would affect cooperation with Russia.
Türkiye confirms a distinct relationship from that of the Western Balkans. 42% of citizens have a positive attitude towards the EU, 49% trust the Union, and 46% support accession. 60% believe that EU membership would bring more advantages than disadvantages, which shows that the European perspective has not disappeared, but does not mobilize the public at the levels seen in the Western Balkans.
In Türkiye, the EU is viewed mainly through the lens of the economy and mobility. 63% of citizens say that support for economic development would increase the positive perception of the Union, 45% mention visa facilitation or visa-free access, and 39% funding for educational programs, cultural and professional exchanges. The main perceived benefits of accession are more job opportunities, 45%, open borders and the ability to travel without a visa, 44%, and free trade, 42%.
The survey also shows how differently European financial support is perceived. In Albania, 96% of citizens know about EU financial support, 89% rate it as high or moderate, and 61% believe that the EU is the largest financial contributor. In Kosovo, 97% know about EU support, but only 21% believe that the Union is the largest financial contributor, while the United States are perceived more strongly as a support actor.
In Montenegro, 64% believe that the EU is the largest financial contributor, the highest level in the analyzed dataset. In North Macedonia, the percentage is 41%, and in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is 43%. Serbia remains more skeptical, with 27% seeing the EU as the main financial contributor and only 30% considering European support effective. In Türkiye, only 28% believe that the EU is the largest financial contributor, and 37% of those who know about European support consider it effective.
The regional image is thus divided into three areas. The first is the area of strong support, where Albania, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina see accession as a useful promise for the economy, the rule of law, and the future of youth. The second is Serbia, where the EU competes with Russia and China in a much more skeptical public space. The third is Türkiye, where the relationship with the EU remains important, but is filtered through pragmatic benefits, jobs, trade, visas, and living standards.
The surveys are part of the WeBalkans Annual Survey 2026, conducted in the spring of 2026. In Albania, Kosovo, Serbia, North Macedonia, Montenegro, and Bosnia and Herzegovina, the research targeted the general population aged over 15, through face-to-face interviews and samples of approximately 1,000 respondents in each country or entity. In Türkiye, the sample was 2,475 respondents.
The data shows that enlargement remains a project with real public support in most of the Western Balkans, but also that the European promise does not sustain itself. In almost all cases, citizens demand visible results in the economy, the fight against corruption, public services, education, health, and mobility. For the EU, the competition is not just diplomatic, but also social: European influence is measured in living standards, trust in institutions, and the ability to show that proximity to the Union produces concrete changes.
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